Suchergebnisse

To what extent was the evolution of secularism in South and Southeast Asia between the end of the First World War and decolonisation after 1945 a result of transimperial and transnational patterns? To capture the diversity of twentieth-century secularisms, Clemens Six explores similarities resulting from translocal networks of ideas and practices since 1918. Six approaches these networks via a framework of global intellectual history, the history of transnational social networks, and the global history of non-state institutions. Empirically, he illustrates his argument with three case studies: the reception of Atatürk's reforms across Asia and the Middle East; translocal women's circles in the interwar period; and private US foundations after 1945

Traces of a transnational mindset : thinking secularism for the post-colonial era -- Contesting urban space : places of worship, the secular state, and social disintegration in post-partition Delhi -- Prosecuting the non-secular : the conflict with the RSS in Delhi after partition -- Re-defining secularism in the Cold War : Christian missionaries in Malaya's new villages, 1948-1960 -- (Anti)secularism and social struggle : Christian and Islamic groups during the anti-communist mass murder in Indonesia, 1965-66 -- Religion and secular education in Java, Singapore, and India.

AbstractIn the light of the Second World War, the devastation of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and decolonization in Asia, the newly established UN organization for education, science and culture (UNESCO) initiated a global research project in 1947. Its main task was to find out how tensions within and between societies can be explained and tackled to secure peace and social justice. Combining peace history with the global history of social sciences and global intellectual history, this article assesses the design and conduct of the Tensions Project in India and Israel at the crossroads of post‐fascism and post‐colonialism. It finds the reasons for the Project's limited impact in the contradictions between universal knowledge claims and local specificities, its over‐confidence in scientific solutions for social problems, interfering nation‐building in early postcolonial states, the limited comparability of research, and its neglect of political activism.

AbstractThis article argues for a transregional historical approach to explain the career of political secularism, i.e. the ideas and practices that inform the modern state's relationship to and administration of religion, in the 20th century. More specifically, it asks in how far we can understand secularism in South and Southeast Asia between the end of the First World War and decolonisation after 1945 as a result of transregional patterns that evolved within and beyond these regions. The argument is based on three brief case studies on Atatürk's Turkey as a contested source of inspiration for state secularity and religious reform, regional women's networks to foster secularism and social change in the 1930s, and secularism as a strategy of postcolonial state-building and territorial integration. Conceptually, the article suggests to use global intellectual history as a means to combine research on connectivity with historical comparison.

Abstract
This essay discusses in how far we can understand the evolution of secularism in South and Southeast Asia between the end of the First World War and decolonisation after 1945 as a result of transimperial and transnational patterns. In the context of the growing comparative literature on the history of secularisms around the globe, I argue for more attention for the mobility of ideas and people across borders. Conceptually, I suggest to capture the diversity of 20th century secularisms in terms of family resemblance and to understand this resemblance less as colonial inheritance but as the result of translocal networks and their circuits of ideas and practices since 1918. I approach these networks through a combination of global intellectual history, the history of transnational social networks, and the global history of non-state institutions. Empirically, I illustrate my argument with three case studies: the reception of Atatürk's reforms across Asia and the Middle East to illustrate transnational discourses around secularism; the role of social networks in the form of translocal women's circles in the interwar period; and private US foundations as global circuits of expertise. Together, these illustrations are an attempt to sustain a certain degree of coherence within globalising secularism studies while at the same time avoiding conceptual overstretch.

The new imperial history has advanced our understanding of empires in many ways: it enhanced a networked interpretation of empires, brought space back into the discussion, and suggested a fresh reading of imperial careers to comprehend early forms of global inter- dependencies. This article discusses selected aspects of the life and work of Benoy Kumar Sarkar (1887–1949), a Bengali social scientist and political activist, to illustrate that anti-imperial biographies were simultaneously rooted in local as well as transnational spaces. They thus connected national struggles with globe-spanning processes. Biographies like this are underacknowledged in their meaning for how empires functioned and failed, and in their potential for understanding transnational actors. Sarkar's e orts to challenge the legitimacy of the British Empire were the result of his life in a transnational social eld, which was equally shaped by his extensive experience abroad and his continuous rootedness in local Bengali a airs. Sarkar's anti- imperialism was enhanced by the mobility structures of the British Empire and resulted in new constellations of imperial, cosmopolitan, local and regional orientations and attachments. In this view, anti- imperialism was less the result of local struggles but of life practices reaching beyond the borders of the empire and a high awareness of acting in a global context that located its protagonists in numerous social and spatial contexts.

Sicherheit und Entwicklung sind auf eine sehr nahe liegende Art und Weise mit einander verknüpft: ohne ein Mindestmaß an Sicherheit kann Entwicklung nicht stattfinden; Entwicklung selbst ist ein wesentlicher Beitrag zur Herstellung und zum Erhalt von (menschlicher) Sicherheit in einem umfassenden Sinn. Dieses Working Paper interpretiert die zunehmende "Versicherheitlichung" von Entwicklung und die "developmentalisation" von Sicherheit als einen Paradigmenwechsel in der politischen Ausrichtung der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und erörtert am Beispiel der Außenbeziehungen der EU die unterschiedlichen "Risiken", die sich für entwicklungspolitische Zielsetzungen daraus ergeben. Durch einen Blick auf die historische Genese der Sicherheitsdiskurse im Zusammenhang mit Entwicklung, der bis in die Kolonialzeit reicht, werden einerseits Kontinuitäten sichtbar, die durch den Kalten Krieg bis in die Gegenwart existieren, andererseits aber auch Brüche und damit die Neuartigkeit der Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Sicherheit und Entwicklung erkennbar. Die EU, selbst eine zunehmend wichtige weltpolitische Akteurin mit hegemonialen Ansprüchen, hat in den vergangenen Jahren sowohl die politisch-strategischen als auch institutionellen Voraussetzungen für eine Verschränkung von Sicherheits- und Kontrollansprüchen auf der einen Seite und entwicklungspolitischen Normativen auf der anderen geschaffen. Eigeninteressen und damit die Instrumentalisierung der EZA spielen dabei - wie abschließend auch das Beispiel der Migration illustriert - eine bestimmende Rolle. ; Security and development are closely related to each other in a rather self-evident manner: development cannot happen without a minimum level of (public) security; development itself is a substantial contribution to (human) security in a comprehensive meaning. This working paper interprets the increasing "securitisation" of development and "developmentalisation" of security as a paradigmatic change in the political orientation of development cooperation and discusses the possible "risks" for development-related goals with the example of the European Union's foreign relations. A closer look at the historical genesis of security discourses in relation to development going back to colonial times shows certain continuities that persist through the Cold War up to the present. On the other hand, the discontinuities and thus the newness of the current relationship between security and development become visible. The EU, itself an increasingly important geopolitical actor, has during the last years created not only the political-strategic but also institutional pre-conditions for a linking-up of security and control-requests on the one side and developmental norms on the other. As the example of migration among others illustrates, self-interests and thus an instrumentalisation of development cooperation play a dominant role.